In this article, we make some brief remarks on overt and covert movement in logical grammar. With respect to covert movement (e.g. quantification), we observe how a treatment in terms of displacement calculus interacts with normal modalities for intensionality to allow a coding in logical grammar of the distinction between weak and strong quantifiers (i.e. those that may or may not scope nonlocally such as a and every respectively). With respect to overt movement (e.g. relativisation), we observe how displacement calculus can support a coding of a linear filler-gap dependency similar to that employed in lambda grammars, but we argue that this general approach does not extend to either the multiplicity nor the island-sensitivity of parasitic gaps, for which we advocate instead treatment in terms of a bracket-conditioned contraction subexponential.

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