<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/xsl" href="static/style.xsl"?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-04-14T03:19:33Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" identifier="oai:www.recercat.cat:2072/486410" metadataPrefix="oai_dc">https://recercat.cat/oai/request</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:recercat.cat:2072/486410</identifier><datestamp>2025-08-31T18:32:46Z</datestamp><setSpec>com_2072_98</setSpec><setSpec>col_2072_378192</setSpec></header><metadata><oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:doc="http://www.lyncode.com/xoai" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
   <dc:title>Features of French clausal ellipsis</dc:title>
   <dc:creator>Authier, Marc</dc:creator>
   <dc:subject>Antecedent contained deletion</dc:subject>
   <dc:subject>Clausal ellipsis</dc:subject>
   <dc:subject>CP-recursion</dc:subject>
   <dc:subject>E-feature</dc:subject>
   <dc:subject>French</dc:subject>
   <dc:description>Evidence is provided that there is a use of the French clitic le (coined special le) that co-occurs with clausal ellipsis. I argue against extending Elbourne's (2001) analysis of E-type pronouns as definite determiners followed by ellipsis to special le and suggest instead that it is best analyzed as the optional phonological realization of an E-feature. I further establish the existence of two distinct types of clausal ellipsis: type 1, which may, but need not, co-occur with wh-extraction out of the ellipsis site and type 2, which must involve wh-extraction of an ellipsis remnant to be licensed. I propose an account of type 1 (a.k.a. modal) ellipsis that correctly predicts that it is only licensed by those modal verbs that take phasal complements. I then turn to type 2 ellipsis and argue that it involves the pairing of an E-feature and an EPP feature with the higher C-projection of a CP-recursive structure selected by verbs embedding a speech act such as bridge verbs. Finally, I show that type 2 ellipsis is licensed in ACD relatives but not in standard relatives. I provide a tentative explanation for this based on Koster-Moeller &amp; Martin Hackl's (2008) derivational theory of ACD relatives.</dc:description>
   <dc:date>2025</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Article</dc:type>
   <dc:identifier>https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317452</dc:identifier>
   <dc:identifier>urn:10.5565/rev/isogloss.483</dc:identifier>
   <dc:identifier>urn:oai:ddd.uab.cat:317452</dc:identifier>
   <dc:identifier>urn:oai:isogloss.revistes.uab.cat:article/483</dc:identifier>
   <dc:identifier>http://hdl.handle.net/2072/486410</dc:identifier>
   <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
   <dc:relation>;</dc:relation>
   <dc:relation>Isogloss ; Vol. 11 Núm. 5 (2025), p. 1-19</dc:relation>
   <dc:rights>open access</dc:rights>
   <dc:rights>Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.</dc:rights>
   <dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
   <dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
   <dc:publisher/>
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