2026-04-13T04:03:02Zhttps://recercat.cat/oai/requestoai:recercat.cat:2072/3807402026-02-14T01:01:20Zcom_2072_98col_2072_378192
RECERCAT
author
Oostendorp, Marc van
2005
In Limburg Dutch, the difference between neuter and feminine agreement on adjectives is expressed by a difference in lexical tone. This paper argues that this distinction is due to a difference in underlying representations and not to a paradigmatic antifaithfulness effect. In particular, it argues for a specific version of REALIZE-MORPHEME, the constraint demanding every underlying morpheme to be present in phonological surface representations. The key argument is that a schwa suffix turns up whenever the tonal change from neuter to feminine is not possible.
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Dialectology
Lexical tones
Morphology-phonology interface
Optimality Theory
Paradigm uniformity
Dutch
Expressing Inflection Tonally
Article