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oai:recercat.cat:2072/3807402026-02-14T01:01:20Zcom_2072_98col_2072_378192

00925njm 22002777a 4500 dc Oostendorp, Marc van author 2005 In Limburg Dutch, the difference between neuter and feminine agreement on adjectives is expressed by a difference in lexical tone. This paper argues that this distinction is due to a difference in underlying representations and not to a paradigmatic antifaithfulness effect. In particular, it argues for a specific version of REALIZE-MORPHEME, the constraint demanding every underlying morpheme to be present in phonological surface representations. The key argument is that a schwa suffix turns up whenever the tonal change from neuter to feminine is not possible. Dialectology Lexical tones Morphology-phonology interface Optimality Theory Paradigm uniformity Dutch Expressing Inflection Tonally